However, Obama stopped short of addressing American intentions or assuming responsibility for all the deaths, insinuating that the harm was just part of war, a kind of terrible lava flow from an erupting volcano beyond human control. The purpose of Obama’s visit to Laos also belied his appeal to end the scourge of war, as the main intent was to reaffirm America’s commitment to the “Asia pivot strategy,” whose centerpiece is an expanded military presence that threatens a new arms race with China and perhaps new proxy wars.
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Pol Pot was making two separate claims that need to be deconstructed. First, the idea that no one else had ever before defeated the US was simply false - what about China, Korea and Vietnam? It seems that the real point here is to contrast Cambodia with Vietnam, which had received aid from the USSR and China and therefore won an unclean victory.
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This brings us back to the question of the party. A party whose existence, line, policies and ideology is secret from the masses can only build a "socialism" whose secret is that it is capitalism.
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A skilled commander respected by his men though capable of considerable brutality, Washington’s “little guerrilla General,” as Vang Pao was called, had served in the RLA in charge of a school for noncommissioned officers near Phonasavan and had fought like Touby with the French against the Vietminh, receiving the Legion of Honor. Because of an intimate knowledge of the jungle terrain and effective intelligence, his troops proved difficult to subdue deep inside Pathet Lao–controlled territory and were used for covert forays into North Vietnam.
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In 1976, the CPK adopted a four-year plan for the country's development, which in almost comical nationalist one-upsmanship over China was called the "Super Great Leap Forward". The main target was to double rice production in the years 1977-1980 so that Cambodia could export $1/4 billion worth of agricultural goods. Ninety percent of that was to be rice sold to its traditional buyers (Hong Kong, Singapore and African countries), with Thailand a vital market for other products. The profit would be used to buy the machinery and raw materials needed to achieve modern (mechanised) agriculture within 10-15 years and modern industry within 15-20 years.
The words of the Internationale, "We want no condescending saviours/To rule us from their judgement hall/We workers ask not for their favours/Let us consult for all" refer to the fact that no one else, with the best or worst intentions, can emancipate the world's labouring people. The concluding words, "The Internationale shall be the human race", signify that the proletariat can free itself only by doing away with all classes and everything that arises from them, or in other words, by freeing the human race.
By mid-September, China offered $1 billion in interest-free economic aid, including a $20 million outright gift - the most aid China ever gave any one country. Statistics from China Quarterly, quoted in Kiernan, PPR, p. 129.
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Military planners and “defense intellectuals” saw Laos as a testing ground for new forms of counterinsurgency and automated warfare the Pentagon had been developing, unencumbered by media or congressional scrutiny. A State Department official said: “This is [the] end of nowhere.
Just after taking power, in June 1975, Pol Pot made a secret trip to Hanoi and Peking and some accounts say he met with Mao. Nothing is known about this alleged meeting. After this, China gave Democratic Kampuchea extensive economic (but not military) aid.
No matter how critical our conclusions on the Pol Pot regime, the fact is that they had to deal with the horror that the US created. If anyone should be on trial for genocide in Southeast Asia, it should be the US ruling class. The charges of genocide the rulers of the US want to press against former CPK leaders are an attempt to reverse right and wrong.
Vietnam's war aims were made clear by its actions: eventually it was not only to invade and knock out the DK army, but also station 150,000 troops in Cambodia in a decade-long occupation that ended only when the collapse of the USSR made Vietnam's leaders decide to seek Western investment. In this light, the argument that Vietnam was merely trying to protect itself against the CPK is not tenable.
The situation can be summed up like this: as a consequence of the US invasion and subsequent wars, Cambodia has a higher proportion of crippled people and amputees than any other country in the world. There is still no real medical system. The rail and road system destroyed by the US bombing was never rebuilt.
This was an astonishing call from a self-proclaimed communist party. It may have seemed to the Democratic Kampuchea leadership that this kind of appeal was the only way to unite Cambodians behind them at that point. But by calling for a race war, they ensured their own defeat. If the Vietnamese government was threatening Cambodia's sovereignty, it had trampled no less on the revolutionary aspirations of the people of Vietnam. All of Indochina needed real New Democratic and socialist revolution. Why couldn't a revolutionary party in Cambodia do everything possible to unite with the workers and peasants in Vietnam, including supporting revolutionary politics there? In fact, why didn't the Cambodian Party do everything possible to avoid or at least postpone a war that went against the interests of the masses of both countries?
Because the CPK held that the main target was "individualism, whether of feudalists, capitalists, or other classes not particularly poor, such as independent farmers, independent workers, and independent manual labourers",53 they could not distinguish between contradictions among the people and those with the enemy. It was impossible to unite the people with that line.
Shortly after liberation, the new government declared the old Lon Nol banknotes no longer legal currency. New bills with an image of the Angkor Wat temples had been printed up, but at the last minute the government decided not to put them into circulation. Money, they announced, was history in Cambodia.
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As Mao said, when the productive forces are held back by social relations, the tools speak through people. Resistance arose against these social relations that condemned the people to poverty in what had once been a rich land.
Indeed, many Cold Warriors felt vindicated in America’s presumed noble intentions in Southeast Asia by pointing to the desperate escape of “boat people” from Vietnam and the genocide of the communist Khmer Rouge regime, which killed between 1/5 and 3 million of its own people from 1975 to 1979. Yet it was not the United States that ended the genocide. Rather, it was the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, which invaded Cambodia in December 1978, overthrew the regime the next month, and put an end to the methodical massacre.
Clearly there were two sides to this process. The CPK had to build up its armed forces step by step and had little to rely on but the support of the Cambodian people. That support, according to all serious observers, was broad, deep and strong. Nothing else could explain the steady expansion of the revolutionary army, which reached 40,000 by 1973. Even their purchase of much material and weaponry from corrupt Lon Nol officials and officers is testament to the support they won from rubber plantation workers (who enabled them to sell rubber). But the Vietnamese did the bulk of the fighting against the Lon Nol army through the end of 1972, and by then they had broken the reactionaries' teeth. Even more importantly, they beat US imperialism in Vietnam. Otherwise, the liberation of Cambodia could not have taken place at that time.
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The situation of the 85% percent (out of a current population of 11/4 million) who still live in the countryside is more difficult to see from abroad, since they are of scant concern to imperialist-controlled media. One fact now widely known is that in a country where peasants once pulled many tonnes of fish from an acre of water, the fish are nearing extinction. Tonle Sap, the country's vast central lake, the biggest fresh water body in Southeast Asia, is silting up due to unrestrained logging operations for the Western luxury market. It has been reported that the country may become completely deforested in the next five years. Casinos on the lake front are pushing out the remaining fishing villages and fish breeding grounds. Relief agencies warn of the threat of massive famine.
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Following the coup that deposed Sihanouk, the Nixon administration signed a $185 military aid agreement and extended arms (http://zbsmarket.ru/free/?key=7307) shipments to Lon Nol through a CIA airline, Continental Air Services. The CIA and psychological warfare experts from Indonesia were sent in to help administer a xenophobic anticommunist campaign against Vietnamese modeled after the campaign that wiped out the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). Nol’s brother, Lon Non, ran terrorist militias and a “dirty jobs” unit in the police financed through narcotics, which contributed to the bloodbath.
Yet it would have been a betrayal of the interests of the Kampuchean people and revolution internationally if the CPK had not taken power when it was all but thrust on them by force of circumstances. Without speculating on what might have been, it is clear that their approach needed to be the opposite of what it was: they had to take particular account of the always-necessary vision of revolution as a long-term process in which the communists must fight to transform conditions and neither bow to them nor ignore them. For instance, take Ieng Thirith's complaint that, "We controlled nothing but the factories [in the capital]", so often echoed after the debacle by other CPK leaders, including Pol Pot - a startling admission for a Party that had emptied the cities! Even if that was the situation, the problem for communists would be how to solve it. The Communist Party of the USSR, since it had emerged mainly in the biggest cities, faced a similar situation in the countryside. Transforming this situation would have meant developing particular policies based on investigating the actual needs and desires of various sections of the peasants and the people to be able to lead them forward step by step, while carrying out broad socialist education and training the most advanced to become Party members. Instead, because the CPK tried to use force to impose its views, like the sorcerer's apprentice it was soon overwhelmed by the workings of an objective world it could not understand nor, in the end, control.
This seems to have been a part of a broader effort to recoup popular support. A March 1978 article in the CPK organ underlines the need to "gather forces" and says, "And the full rights and probationary members of the co-operatives and even the depositees must study and watch and draw experiences as well. However the full-rights members must study apart first, in order to unite together; and the probationary and depositee members study together, drawing experiences, making corrections over and over - they will all progress.
Cambodia still, it seems, hardly has its own currency; workers are paid in US dollars. In the context of the Asian financial crisis, this has penalised Cambodia severely, since currencies in Indonesia and Thailand have been devaluated against the dollar, leaving the country behind in the race for the cheapest labour.
Secondly, the plan confused socialism with modern machinery. That's why its slogans are so similar to the call for "Four Modernisations" issued at that same moment by the Right in the Chinese Party, which argued that increasing production was the most important aspect of building socialism. In opposition to this, the Maoist slogan "Grasp revolution, promote production" put forward revolutionising the relations of production (which means, ultimately, the relations between people) as key to developing the productive forces (understood to include both tools and people). This, too, will be taken up again in part IV, but for now, at least, it has to be said that in building a society where the basic relationships between people are based on coercion, the CPK was simply perpetuating the old social relationships in a new form.
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Senator Edward Kennedy had previously issued a staff report which concluded that “the United States has undertaken a large-scale air war over Laos to destroy the physical and social infrastructure in Pathet Lao held areas. Throughout all this there has been a policy of. secrecy.
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The evacuation of the cities was only the first step in a broader programme adopted in the months before liberation. Markets, private property, money and religion were abolished.
This was the beginning of what is called the Sihanouk period, in which the king abdicated in favour of his father, becoming a mere prince, and ran the country through a combination of parliamentary manoeuvres, fixed elections and violence until his overthrow in 1970. It is an extremely complex period that only became more complicated when the Vietnamese returned to the armed (original site) struggle in 1959, after the US refused to allow the promised elections in southern Vietnam. Sihanouk declared what he called at first "Khmer socialism" and later "Buddhist socialism". The essence of his doctrine was to preserve "the barrier which preserves the originality of our race, of our traditions, of our religious faith, and which safeguards our independence vis-Ã -vis certain of our neighbours".
This was truly a perverse decision from the point of view of socialism, and stood in sharp contrast to Mao's China. China took up the slogan of "In agriculture, learn from Tachai" - an agriculturally difficult area where the advanced consciousness of former poor peasants propelled rapid economic development by creating new relations of production. The CPK chose to make its economic breakthroughs in the agriculturally richest areas by concentrating the greatest number of people they had excluded from the revolution, in a region where the Party was relatively weak (it was held by the Lon Nol regime until the end and the reactionary army staged its last stand there) and unable to lead. And more, many of these urban people were not used to this kind of labour and didn't know much about farming. At the same time, the Southwestern Zone, a poor area that had long been a CPK stronghold, was given a much smaller place in this economic offensive and relieved of most of its "new people", as was the Eastern Zone, where the CPK was also strong and deeply-rooted.
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See François Ponchaud, Cambodia: Year Zero, transl. Nancy Amphoux (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1977), pp. 155-165, 167; Kiernan, How Pol Pot Came to Power; and Clymer, Troubled Relations.
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Under communism, Marx said, society will be guided by the principle "from each according to their ability, to each according to their need". But until then bourgeois right can only be eliminated gradually and step by step. In brief, the leap from "according to their work" to "according to their need" will be made possible by the increasing communist consciousness of the masses (which is the driving factor) and the development of production (so that people's needs can actually be satisfied). Not only was the apparent abolition of bourgeois right under the DK regime an illusion, it hid actual injustices, a denial of rights, such as "old people" getting privileges over "new people" (in fact, once again this smelled of feudalism, since family relations could play a determinate role in whether an individual was classified as "new" or "old"). If the regime had lasted longer and especially if it had succeeded in industrialising, these inequalities (which were already potentially fatal) would only have become more pronounced.
We do not accept the reactionary approach that would try to absolve one set of crimes by claiming that someone else's were bigger. But even in these terms - the sheer numbers of people murdered - the US is by far the biggest criminal. Their war on Indochina stands as one of the bloodiest crimes the world has ever seen. The US and its allies dropped three times as many bombs on Vietnam as fell in all of World War 2. They killed at least two million Vietnamese and created ten million refugees in that country. In Cambodia, the US installed a puppet government in 1970 and then sent in troops. B-52 carpet bombing raids went on almost without interruption for more than three years. Half a million tonnes of explosives and napalm devastated the countryside, unleashing unprecedented famine. That war killed a million Cambodians. Yet the Cambodia Genocide Program does not consider this part of its mission.
The CPK was no less wrong about socialism than about New Democracy. It wrongly held that all public property is automatically socialist. Marx identified socialist public property not with state ownership but social ownership.
Third, another grave portent was the handling of contradictions within the Party (particularly the unjust handling of returning cadre from Vietnam). As we have seen, the struggle against the "Vietnamese" influence in the CPK was in fact a two-line struggle within the Cambodian Party, an endeavour to chalk out a revolutionary line in conflict with the non-revolutionary line that had predominated. But because this struggle itself was seen from a nationalist perspective, it was summed up incorrectly as mainly a struggle against an external enemy (Vietnam and "Vietnamese minds"). This summation itself became an enormous obstacle to the Party's development, undermining the more revolutionary orientation that had won out. Because these questions were not treated politically in a straight-on fashion, which could have strengthened the understanding and unity of the CPK, this situation weakened the Party. Rather than learning from this error, it was to systematise this approach.
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The most important reason they didn't want to learn anything from anyone else was that they didn't like what was being taught. They rejected Mao's line not because it was Chinese but because it represented an outlook and interests utterly different from their own. That's why this problem seems to have become worse over time. While there are reports of cadre studying Mao and Stalin in the early days when the Party was casting around for a correct understanding, as it developed its own consolidated line there seems to have been much less of that.
Isn't this what the CPK set out to do? And why shouldn't they have tried to do so at one stroke, overnight?
Their motive, of course, was to tar Maoism and Mao's China by association. The USSR refused to break relations with the US-installed Lon Nol regime.
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At first, many of those who had come from villages originally were free to return there, and the rest were concentrated in a number of areas, especially the Southwest and Eastern zones. All were installed in co-operatives and, like everyone else, went to work in the fields. But the two categories were not treated equally. The co-operatives were political as well as economic units - they were the basic local government, the only mass organisation and the form in which almost all daily life was organised. The "old people" were "full rights members".
Now the CPK began to organise for a nation-wide uprising in earnest. In January 1968, it launched its first offensive. The revolutionaries had very few modern weapons at this point and the Party leadership had to flee Sihanouk's forces yet again, but a civil war had been unleashed.
The Vietnamese language also contains many loan words from Chinese, though the two languages are unrelated. Developers Briefing Developer's Briefing #23 + MEDIA Combat Arms. Tribes 2 now supports support for over 60 players, new weather environments (rain, wind, snow, fog, lava, water, sandstorms and lighting), new vehicles for ground and air attacks and transportation, better support for single player action where users can play against bots and the. Torghast Preview One of the main new features added in Shadowlands is Torghast. Combat Arms Classic Public Hack/Cheat Chams Cross-hair. Working Gta 5 CD Key, Generator GTA 5 Key, Generator 2020 Download GTA 5 For Free, download GTA 5 full version pc game GTA 5 activation, GTA 5 activation key, GTA 5 activator GTA 5 cd key GTA 5 cracker GTA 5 demo crack GTA 5 demo download GTA 5 download GTA 5 editor GTA 5 Free activation keys GTA 5 full download GTA 5 installation code GTA 5 installation key GTA 5 installazione GTA 5 installer. Run Combat Arms To open the menu push insert and use the left and right arrow keys to turn items on and off. Each member is authorized to wear one Bronze Service Star on his VSM for each. MAINTENANCE Scheduled Maintenance + MEDIA Combat Arms: the Classic OBT Trailer + WEEKLY RANKING. Combat Arms Classic Public is released; CS GO Streaming Version is released. Download here: *****downloadfilehere****/Madelyn9.
This does not mean that the CPK did not have a social base. It seems that the CPK had enthusiastic support from among the poorest peasants and especially the young men and women and adolescents among them, particularly downpressed in patriarchal Cambodian society. But instead of relying on the advanced to win over the people, this social base was appealed to in terms of their own immediate interests and given privileges over other sections of the people, who were simply subject to dictatorship, with little distinction between the former ruling classes and those they oppressed.
These two categories did not correspond to social class. There were very different classes in the first category, from poor and landless peasants to rich peasants (by liberation, most non-peasants had fled the countryside).
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, not only has the US found no further use for the Khmer Rouge, it has some specific reasons to act otherwise. For one thing, because of its own efforts to brutally impose its interests through B-52s operating under various "humanitarian" banners, the US has more reason than ever to try to revise the history of Indochina, and indeed to paint itself as the main opponent of genocide instead of its main perpetrator in today's world.
Even this first, new democratic stage of the revolution was not thoroughly carried out in Cambodia. Initially, the targets were correctly selected and the peasants mobilised in a war of national liberation and agrarian revolution, but even in the two years or so before liberation there was a tendency to confuse the aims. By 1976, contrasting Cambodia's "Super Great Leap Forward", one year after liberation, to China's mere Great Leap Forward seven years after liberation there, the CPK was to write: "Certainly our Party didn't hesitate. We didn't go through a period of land reform or social change.
Actually, the CPK's line was not entirely "unique". In China, the revisionist ringleaders Liu Shao-chi and Chen Po-ta called for the premature abolition of commodity production, the Shanghai Textbook recounts.
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The CPK set up a prison for those suspected of grave political crimes in a former school building at Tuol Sleng, not far from the capital. All of those who entered there were tortured and almost all of them executed. The killings in the countryside are more difficult to examine. What makes Tuol Sleng different is that the Party kept detailed records of every prisoner, their class background and their confessions, for detailed confessions were the main point of its existence. The Vietnamese, after they invaded and occupied Cambodia in 1979, made a museum of Tuol Sleng and used it to discredit the CPK. But there has never been any claim that the documents there are forged.
The border town of Pailin (west of Battambang, in the old Northwestern Zone) and the region around it became their fiefdom, in the same way that much of provincial Cambodia is ruled by local warlords. Until his appointment by the central government, the governor of the region was a top Khmer Rouge military commander. The deputy governor is Ieng Sary's son. The region's soldiers and police are former Khmer Rouge fighters. Their old units and command structures are intact but now instead of black pyjamas these 2,000 men wear new government uniforms. Now many of the men on Honda motorcycles tearing up the dust are former guerrillas. The ex-CPK leadership rule over vast smuggling and "legitimate" business operations and their city, Pailin, boasts a Caesar International Casino (meant to attract Thai businessmen), dozens of houses of prostitution, a bank and innumerable karaoke bars that cater to former guerrilla fighters.
The CPK appears to have welcomed the prospect of a showdown. It seems that the Party was convinced that such a final conflict would finally put an end to their own internal problems, both by setting off a wave of national unity and ending Vietnamese interference. Besides, the CPK seemed certain of winning it, which turned out to be a highly subjective view.
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One of the highest estimates for the number of dead was formulated by Ben Kiernan, a leading scholar in the field who once supported Vietnam and is now head of the US government-financed Yale University Cambodian Genocide Program. He subtracted certain estimates for the population of Cambodia in 1979 from those for its 1975 population and came up with the figure of 1/5 million people dead of starvation, disease and execution during the Democratic Kampuchea government. But these figures are highly problematic. Those were war years and such figures were not obtained by counting heads; further, the pro-US pre-1975 Cambodian government and the pro-Vietnamese post-1979 government had their reasons to exaggerate upward (in the first case) and downward (in the second). Even DK government figures given at various times are mutually inconsistent. Kiernan arbitrarily decided to accept the unsubstantiated (and unpublished) figures of a private researcher. Michael Vickery, who used CIA statistics, put the number of dead of all causes at 800,000. See Ben Kiernan, The Pol Pot Regime (Yale University Press, 1996), p. 457; Vickery's claims are also cited and discussed here. In a 1997 interview, CPK leader Ta Mok told the Far Eastern Economic Review (23 October 1997), "It is clear that Pol Pot has committed crimes against humanity. I don't agree with the American (http://zbsmarket.ru/free/?key=3517) figure that millions died.
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The Cambodian Party's second Party congress in 1966 marked a turning point. Its name was changed and Pol Pot became the CPK's chairman. Most of the Party leadership and a large part of its rank and file (which included many students and teachers) withdrew into the countryside. The centre of gravity began to shift, first to the eastern border, where contact and co-operation was re-established with the Vietnamese communists, and then to Ratanakari province, in the isolated northeast hills. The Party began to build clandestine organisation in the countryside in preparation for armed (http://zbsmarket.ru/free/?key=8470) struggle. It won the support of the tribal hill people who had long suffered under the central government.
There was a certain change of course in Democratic Kampuchea's last 15 months or so. Since the regime was about to end abruptly, it is hard to know where all this was headed. Perhaps the desire was to make it a more "normal" revisionist country.
In fact, the whole political atmosphere degenerated further and further. The centre may or may not have given directives regarding the killing of people in the co-operatives, but at any rate, the killings of groups of people in far-off fields at night that have come to be emblematic of the Pol Pot regime in the Western press were the inevitable result of the centre's line. Tools and farm animals were scarce and precious; the 1976 report cites their protection (along with the fulfilment of work quotas in general) as a main form of class struggle. In China, too, the question of the economic use of and preservation of the people's resources was considered a question of class consciousness. But the CPK's treatment of this was consistent with their overall line. It is not surprising that city people working many hours a day might ruin a hoe or allow a water buffalo to break a leg, whether out of ignorance or bad luck, or even out of backward resentment - which didn't make them unredeemable enemies of the revolution. Yet that is how such incidents were often treated, especially if the person had a "bad" class background or other "problems". The co-operative leadership was becoming increasingly anxious and desperate (and perhaps cynical) and lashing out wildly.
A strong Siam (Thailand) pressed hard from the West. Vietnam took over the lower Mekong and swaggered through Cambodia. Later Cambodians would say that Vietnamese conquerors buried Khmers alive up to their necks and filled up their mouths with hot coals to warm teapots set on top of their heads. Whether true or not, this image was to become a central reference point for all Cambodian political parties.
They don't trust them to make political progress, to acquire political consciousness, or to solve the problems of livelihood. This is a big misinterpretation.
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What is known without the shadow of a doubt is this: after Deng's coup, when he was still trying to pose as a revolutionary and rally support from communist parties that had looked to Maoist China, Pol Pot and the other CPK leaders came to Peking and literally embraced Deng at the airport. Pol Pot gave a speech in which the existence of the CPK was publicly revealed for the first time.
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The larger Northwestern Zone contained some of Cambodia's most productive rice fields and before liberation had been the main source of its rice exports. But of the zone's 1/8 million inhabitants (a quarter of the country's population), the majority were former city people from Phnom Penh and Battambang, making this by far the greatest concentration of "new people". Further, the demands placed on them were to be higher than anywhere else. Forty percent of the country's fields chosen to be harvested twice yearly were in the Northwest, and the state was to keep half the value of the rice harvested there, as opposed to 20% in other zones.
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Negotiations between Cambodia and Vietnam to achieve a final delineation of their borders had gone on since the two countries were liberated. Vietnam refused to accept the land border drawn by the French colonialists (despite the fact that when the French drew up these borders a century before, they had meant to settle old disputes in Vietnam's favour). This was a violation of the agreement reached with Sihanouk in 1967 and amounted to a state of permanent pressure against Cambodia. For its part, Cambodia refused to recognise the French-drawn boundaries in the sea, rivers and water known as the BreviÃ© line (less was at stake in this, although the hope that this territory might harbour oil deposits may have loomed large in a country with apparently no other hydrocarbon resources). Until 1977, however, the situation between the two countries was tense but generally stable, as both sides seemed to be avoiding any decisive diplomatic moves or military action.
Instead of relying on the conscious activism of the labourers and giving special emphasis to the efforts of the most advanced, the CPK was operating according to a very different logic. A revisionist modernisation scheme was the major factor in this apparently irrational decision. Capital was working in mysterious ways, but it was definitely in command.
But the CPK leadership was determined to find the source of the problem in the application of the line. The report's main focus is not on Party members' shortcomings or mistakes, but on conspiratorial wrecking activities: "[H]idden enemies seek to deprive the people of food, while following our orders to some extent.
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Under the dictatorship of the proletariat such things can only be restricted. Therefore, if people like Lin Piao come to power [here Mao was summing up the lessons of a previous two-line struggle within the party to serve a new one, against Deng Xiaoping], it will be quite easy for them to rig up the capitalist system.
There is much evidence that "base people" (as the "old people" were often called) considered the "new people" a burden, unable to farm very well. In some areas, they were well received and well treated. In other areas, they were given less food, the worst shelter and harsh treatment. Initially they were concentrated in the zones where the Party was strongest.
In May 1973 Angkar launched what it called the "Democratic Revolution". Now these co-operatives were to be moved to a "higher level" and made universal. The term co-operative is misleading, since private property was basically abolished. So were cities in the liberated areas.
What Went Wrong with the Pol Pot Regime
The Vietnamese wanted to build up the revolutionary forces in Cambodia, but they wanted to do so by building up their own influence within the CPK. Many of these returning Cambodian cadre had undergone training in the Vietnamese approach to politics as well as other fields. At first they were welcomed home and integrated into CPK-led units.
Once again, the question of "foreign experience" is fundamental. The problem of class struggle under socialism and two-line struggle in the party as its concentrated expression is one that the proletariat has been grappling with since socialism was first established in the Soviet Union, and the lessons Mao drew from this experience were paid for at a very high price. The CPK had grasped some immediate issues - if they had not, they would not have won victory - but by rejecting those lessons, the CPK was doomed not to "exceed Lenin and outstrip Mao", but to cut off any possibility of correcting their increasingly monstrous errors.
The briefness of this period is part of what makes it hard to understand. Further, there are no sweeping eye-witness accounts, and even some of the basic facts are in dispute among those who study Cambodia (or Kampuchea, as it is called in the country's Khmer language). A major difficulty is that the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) led by Pol Pot made a secret of its policies and goals and even its existence for most of its time in power, and since then none of its leaders have come forward to defend its line. Yet the main source of confusion about this period is that a reactionary consensus has been imposed, both because it has been drummed into people's heads by the media, and because there have been so few dissenting voices.
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China was supplying arms to the Vietnamese through Cambodia's ports. Sihanouk skimmed a certain percentage off the top. Similarly, a large amount of Cambodian rice was being sold to the National Liberation Front forces in southern Vietnam. This was a problem for Sihanouk, because it represented a loss of government income from rice export taxes. He introduced a system called ramassage, under which government soldiers went to the villages and forced the peasants to sell the rice to them at less than market prices. In Samluat, in the west near Battambang, peasants rose up and attacked military posts. The CPK, although centred in the opposite end of the country, supported this rebellion.
There are two aspects to what was wrong with their understanding, both inextricably interrelated. One is a wrong conception of private property and its contradictory nature and role in a country like Cambodia - the question of New Democratic revolution. The other is a wrong conception about what it means to negate capitalism through socialism. In both aspects, CPK line and policy was, despite its occasional Marxist terminology, profoundly anti-Marxist.